AntiquityAlthough in antiquity great civilizations arose in Egypt and Mesopotamia, in the Indus Valley, and in China, there was little speculation about the problems of political philosophy as formulated in the West. 1750 bce) consists of rules propounded by the Babylonian ruler Hammurabi as a representative of God on Earth and is mainly concerned with order, trade, and irrigation; the Maxims of Ptahhotep (c.
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To be sure, the Buddhist concept of dharma (social custom and duty), which inspired the Indian emperor Ashoka in the 3rd century bce, implies a moralization of public power, and the teachings of Confucius in the 6th century bce are a code of conduct designed to stabilize society, but there is not, outside Europe, much speculation about the basis of political obligation and the purpose of the state, with both of which Western political philosophy is mainly concerned I hadn't thought of philosophy or political philosophy as a subject of study, but I was very To get a good overview of Leviathan, you probably need to read two to three you can't get any other way and in both cases it inflicts suffering on an animal. This site has an archive of more than one thousand interviews, or five .
An authoritarian society is taken for granted, backed by religious sanctions, and a conservative and arbitrary power is generally accepted.
In contrast to this overwhelming conservatism, paralleled by the rule of custom and tribal elders in most primitive societies, the political philosophers of ancient Greece question the basis and purpose of government. Though they do not separate political speculation from shrewd observations that today would be regarded as empirical political science, they created the vocabulary of Western political thought.
The first elaborate work of European political philosophy is the Republic of Plato, a masterpiece of insight and feeling, superbly expressed in dialogueform and probably meant for recitation. Further development of Plato’s ideas is undertaken in his Statesman and Laws, the latter prescribing the ruthless methods whereby they might be imposed.
Plato grew up during the great Peloponnesian War between Athens and Sparta and, like many political philosophers, tried to find remedies for prevalent political injustice and decline. Indeed, the Republic is the first of the utopias, though not one of the more attractive, and it is the first classic attempt of a European philosopher to moralize political life.
PlatoPlato, marble portrait bust, from an original of the 4th century bce; in the Capitoline Museums, Rome. Dagli Orti—DeA Picture Library/Learning PicturesBooks V, VII–VIII, and IX of the Republic are cast as a lively discussion between Socrates, whose wisdom Plato is recounting, and various leisured Athenians. They state the major themes of political philosophy with poetic power.
Plato’s work has been criticized as static and class-bound, reflecting the moral and aesthetic assumptions of an elite in a slave-owning civilization and bound by the narrow limits of the city-state (polis). The work is indeed a classic example of a philosopher’s vivisection of society, imposing by relatively humane means the rule of a high-minded minority.
The Republic is a criticism of current Hellenic politics—often an indictment. It is based upon a metaphysical act of faith, for Plato believes that a world of permanent Forms exists beyond the limitations of human experience and that morality and the good life, which the state should promote, are reflections of these ideal entities (seePlatonism).
The point is best made in the famous simile of the cave, in which humans are chained with their faces to the wall and their backs to the light, so that they see only the shadows of reality. So constrained, they shrink from what is truly “real” and permanent and need to be forced to face it.
This idealistic doctrine, known misleadingly as realism, pervades all Plato’s philosophy: its opposite doctrine, nominalism, declares that only particular and observed “named” data are accessible to the mind. On his realist assumption, Plato regards most ordinary life as illusion and the current evils of politics as the result of the human pursuit of brute instinct.
It follows thatunless philosophers bear kingly rule in cities or those who are now called kings and princes become genuine and adequate philosophers, and political power and philosophy are brought together…there will be no respite from evil for cities. Only philosopher-statesmen can apprehend permanent and transcendent Forms and turn to “face the brightest blaze of being” outside the cave, and only philosophically minded people of action can be the saviours and helpers of the citizens.
Plato is thus indirectly the pioneer of modern beliefs that only a party organization, inspired by correct and “scientific” doctrines, formulated by the written word and interpreted by authority, can rightly guide the state. His rulers would form an elite, not responsible to the mass of the people.
Thus, in spite of his high moral purpose, he has been called an enemy of the open society and the father of totalitarianism. But he is also an anatomist of the evils of unbridled appetite and political corruption and insists on the need to use public power to moral ends.
Having described his utopia, Plato turns to analyze the existing types of government in human terms with great insight. Monarchy is the best but impracticable; in oligarchies the rule of the few and the pursuit of wealth divide societies—the rich become demoralized and the poor envious, and there is no harmony in the state.
In democracy, in which the poor get the upper hand, demagogues distribute “a peculiar kind of equality to equals and unequals impartially,” and the old flatter the young, fawning on their juniors to avoid the appearance of being sour or despotic. The leaders plunder the propertied classes and divide the spoils between themselves and the people until confusion and corruption lead to tyranny, an even worse form of government, for the tyrant becomes a wolf instead of a man and “lops off” potential rivals and starts wars to distract the people from their discontent.
“Then, by Zeus,” Plato concludes, “the public learns what a monster they have begotten. ”In the Statesman Plato admits that, although there is a correct science of government, like geometry it cannot be realized, and he stresses the need for the rule of law, since no ruler can be trusted with unbridled power.
He then examines which of the current forms of government is the least difficult to live with, for the ruler, after all, is an artist who has to work within the limits of his medium. In the Laws, purporting to be a discussion of how best to found a polis in Crete, he presents a detailed program in which a state with some 5,000 citizens is ruled by 37 curators of laws and a council of 360.
But the keystone of the arch is a sinister and secret Nocturnal Council to be “the sheet anchor of the state,” established in its “central fortress as guardian The master's programme in Philosophical Perspectives on Politics and the For a detailed programme, see the current student's website of the master's programme in education on par with the world's best, with teaching by top researchers.” Get the most out of your studies at Leiden University by taking part in our..
” Poets and musicians will be discouraged and the young subjected to a rigid, austere, and exacting education.
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He had, nonetheless, stated, in the dawn of European political thought, the normative principle that the state should aim at promoting the good life and social harmony and that the rule of law, in the absence of the rule of philosopher-kings, is essential to this purpose. Aristotle, who was a pupil in the Academy of Plato, remarks that “all the writings of Plato are original: they show ingenuity, novelty of view and a spirit of enquiry.
But perfection in everything is perhaps a difficult thing. ” Aristotle was a scientist rather than a prophet, and his Politics, written while he was teaching at the Lyceum at Athens, is only part of an encyclopaedic account of nature and society, in which he analyzes society as if he were a doctor and prescribes remedies for its ills.
Political behaviour is here regarded as a branch of biology as well as of ethics; in contrast to Plato, Aristotle was an empirical political philosopher. He criticizes many of Plato’s ideas as impracticable, but, like Plato, he admires balance and moderation and aims at a harmonious city under the rule of law.
The book is composed of lecture notes and is arranged in a confusing way—a quarry of arguments and definitions of great value but hard to master. The first book, though probably the last written, is a general introduction; Books II, III, and VII–VIII, probably the earliest, deal with the ideal state; and Books IV–VII analyze actual states and politics.
The treatise is thus, in modern terms, a mixture of political philosophy and political science (see alsoAristotelianism). Dagli Orti/©De Agostini Editore/age fotostockLike Plato, Aristotle thinks in terms of the city-state, which he regards as the natural form of civilized life, social and political, and the best medium in which human capacities can be realized. Hence his famous definition of man as a “political animal,” distinguished from the other animals by his gift of speech and power of moral judgment.
“Man, when perfected,” he writes,is the best of animals, but when separated from law and justice he is the worst of all, since armed injustice is the most dangerous, and he is equipped at birth with the arms of intelligence and wit, moral qualities which he may use for the worst ends. Since all nature is pervaded by purpose and since humans “aim at the good,” the city-state, which is the highest form of human community, aims at the highest good.
Like sailors with their separate functions, who yet have a common object in safety in navigation, citizens too have a common aim—in modern terms survival, security, and the enhancement of the quality of life. In the context of the city-state, this high quality of life can be realized only by a minority, and Aristotle, like Plato, excludes those who are not full citizens or who are slaves; indeed, he says that some men are “slaves by nature” and deserve their status.
Plato and Aristotle aim at an aristocratic and exacting way of life, reflecting, in more sophisticated forms, the ideas of the warrior aristocracies depicted by Homer. Having stated that the aim of the city-state is to promote the good life, Aristotle insists that it can be achieved only under the rule of law.
The rule of law is preferable to that of a single citizen; if it be the better course to have individuals ruling, they should be made law guardians or ministers of the laws. The rule of law is better than that even of the best men, forhe who bids law rule may be deemed to bid God and reason alone rule, but he who bids men rule adds the element of the beast; for desire is a wild beast, and passion perverts the minds of rulers, even if they are the best of men.
This doctrine, which distinguishes between lawful government and tyranny, survived the Middle Ages and, by subjecting the ruler to law, became the theoretical sanction of modern constitutional government. Aristotle also vindicates the rule of custom and justifies the obligations accepted by members of society: the solitary man, he writes, “is either a beast or a God.
” This outlook at once reflects the respect for custom and solidarity that has promoted survival in primitive tribal societies, even at the price of sacrificing individuals, and gives a theoretical justification for the acceptance of political obligation. Like Plato, Aristotle analyzes the different kinds of city-states.
While states are bound, like animals, to be different, he considers a balanced “mixed” constitution the best—it reflects the ideal of justice (dik ) and fair dealing, which gives every individual his due in a conservative social order in which citizens of the middle condition preponderate. And he attacks oligarchy, democracy, and tyranny.
Under democracy, he argues, demagogues attain power by bribing the electorate and waste accumulated wealth. But it is tyranny that Aristotle most detests; the arbitrary power of an individual above the law who isresponsible to no-one and who governs all alike with a view to his own advantage and not of his subjects, and therefore against their will.
The Politics contains not only a firm statement of these principles but also a penetrating analysis of how city-states are governed, as well as of the causes of revolutions, in which “inferiors revolt in order that they may be equal, and equals that they may be superior.
” The treatise concludes with an elaborate plan for educating the citizens to attain the “mean,” the “possible,” and the “becoming. ” The first implies a balanced development of body and mind, ability and imagination; the second, the recognition of the limits of mind and the range and limitations of talent; the third, an outcome of the other two, is the style and self-assurance that come from the resulting self-control and confidence. While, therefore, Aristotle accepts a conservative and hierarchical social order, he states firmly that public power should aim at promoting the good life and that only through the rule of law and justice can the good life be attained.
These principles were novel in the context of his time, when the great extra-European civilizations were ruled, justly or unjustly, by the arbitrary power of semidivine rulers and when other peoples, though respecting tribal custom and the authority of tribal elders, were increasingly organized under war leaders for depredation.
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But Aristotle’s pupil Alexander the Great swamped the cities of old Greece and brought them into a vast empire that included Egypt, Persia, and the Levant.
Although city-states remained the locus of the civilization of antiquity, they became part of an imperial power that broke up into kingdoms under Alexander’s successors 11 Sep 2012 - the world's leading open access website for students and scholars of When introducing students to political philosophy, one important task is to Particularly useful are the case studies included at the end of each what political theory attempts to achieve and why we have good reason to care about it..
This imperial power was reasserted on an even greater scale by Rome, whose empire at its greatest extent reached from central Scotland to the Euphrates and from Spain to eastern Anatolia. Civilization itself became identified with empire, and the development of eastern and western Europe was conditioned by it.
Since the city-state was no longer self-sufficient, universal philosophies developed that gave people something to live by in a wider world. Of these philosophies, Stoicism and Epicureanism were the most influential.
The former inspired a rather grim self-sufficiency and sense of duty, as exemplified by the writings of the Roman emperor Marcus Aurelius; the latter, a prudent withdrawal from the world of affairs. The setting for political philosophy thus became much wider, relating individuals to universal empire—thought of, as in China, as coterminous with civilization itself.
Its inspiration remained Hellenic, but derivative Roman philosophers reinterpreted it, and Roman legists enclosed the old concepts of political justice in a carapace of legal definitions, capable of surviving their civilization’s decline. Cicero lived during the 1st century bce, a time of political confusion in which the old institutions of the republic were breaking down before military dictators.
His De legibus (Laws) are both dialogues and reflect the Classical sense of purpose: “to make human life better by our thought and effort. ” Cicero defined the republic as an association held together by law; he further asserted, as Plato had maintained with his doctrine of Forms, that government was sanctioned by a universal natural law that reflected the cosmic order.
Cicero expresses the pre-Christian Stoic attempt to moralize public power, apparent in the exacting sense of public responsibility shown by the emperors Hadrian and Marcus Aurelius in the 2nd century ce. When Christianity became the predominant creed of the empire under Constantine (converted 312) and the sole official religion under Theodosius (379–395), political philosophy changed profoundly.
Augustine’s City of God (413–426/427), written when the empire was under attack by Germanic tribes, sums up and defines a new division between church and state and a conflict between “matter” and “spirit” resulting from original sin and the Fall of Man from the Garden of Eden.
Augustine, whose Confessiones (397) is a record of a new sort of introspection, combined a Classical and Hebraic dualism.
From the Stoics and Virgil he inherited an austere sense of duty, from Plato and the Neoplatonists a contempt for the illusions of appetite, and from the Pauline and patristic interpretation of Christianity a sense of the conflict between Light and Darkness that reflects Zoroastrian and Manichaean doctrines emanating from Iran. In this context worldly interests and government itself are dwarfed by the importance of attaining salvation and of escaping from an astrologically determined fate and from the demons who embody the darkness.
Life becomes illuminated for the elect minority by the prospect of eternal salvation or, for those without grace, shrivels under the glare of eternal fires. Augustine regarded salvation as predestinate and the cosmic process as designed to “gather” an elect to fill the places of the fallen angels and so “preserve and perhaps augment the number of the heavenly inhabitants. ” The role of government and indeed of society itself becomes subordinated to a “secular arm,” part of an earthly city, as opposed to the “City of God.
” The function of government is to keep order in a world intrinsically evil. Since Christianity had long played the main role in defense of the veneer of a precarious urban civilization in antiquity, this claim is not surprising.
Constantine was a soldier putting to rights a breakdown in government, which nevertheless would continue in the West until the abdication of the last Western emperor in 476, though in the East the empire would carry on with great wealth and power, centred on the new capital of Constantinople (St. Augustine thus no longer assumed, as did Plato and Aristotle, that a harmonious and self-sufficient good life could be achieved within a properly organized city-state; he projected his political philosophy into a cosmic and lurid drama working out to a predestinate end.
The normal interests and amenities of life became insignificant or disgusting, and the Christian church alone exercised a spiritual authority that could sanction government. This outlook, reinforced by other patristic literature, would long dominate medieval thought, for with the decline of civilization in the West the church became more completely the repository of learning and of the remnants of the old civilized life.
The decline of ancient civilization in the West was severe. Although technology continued to develop (the horse collar, the stirrup, and the heavy plow came in), intellectual pursuits, including political philosophy, became elementary.
In the Byzantine Empire, on the other hand, committees of jurists working for the emperor Justinian (reigned 527–565) produced the Codex constitutionum; the Novellae consitutiones post codicem; the four books are collectively known as the Codex Justinianeus, or Code of Justinian. The Byzantine basileus, or autocrat, had moral responsibility for guarding and harmonizing an elaborate state, a “colony” of heaven in which reason and not mere will ought to rule. This autocracy and the orthodox form of Christianity were inherited by the Christianized rulers of the Balkans, of Kievan Russia, and of Muscovy.
In the West, two essential principles of Hellenic and Christian political philosophy were transmitted, if only in elementary definitions, in rudimentary encyclopaedias. Isidore of Sevilla, in his 7th-century Etymologiae (“Etymologies”), for example, asserts that kings rule only on condition of doing right and that their rule reflects a Ciceronic law of nature “common to all people and mankind everywhere by natural instinct. ” Further, the Germanic tribes respected the civilization they took over and exploited; when converted, they revered the papacy.
In 800 the Frankish ruler Charlemagne established a western European empire that would eventually be called holy and Roman (seeHoly Roman Empire). The idea of a Christian empire coterminous with civilization thus survived in Western as well as Eastern Christendom.
After Augustine, no full-length speculative work of political philosophy appeared in the West until the Policraticus (1159), by John of Salisbury. Based on John’s wide Classical reading, it centres on the ideal ruler, who represents a “public power.
” John admired the Roman emperors Augustus and Trajan, and, in a still predominantly feudal world, his book carried on the Roman tradition of centralized authority, though without its Byzantine autocracy. The prince, he insists, is he who rules in accordance with law, while a tyrant is one who oppresses the people by irresponsible power.
This distinction, which derives from the Greeks, Cicero, and St. Augustine, is fundamental to Western concepts of liberty and the trusteeship of power.
John did not know Aristotle’s Politics, but his learning is nevertheless remarkable, even if his political similes are unsophisticated. His favourite metaphor for the body politic is the human body: the place of the head is filled by the prince, who is subject only to God; the place of the heart is filled by the senate; the eyes, ears, and tongue are the judges, provincial governors, and soldiers; and the officials are the hands.
The tax gatherers are the intestines and ought not to retain their accumulations too long, and the farmers and peasants are the feet. John also compares a commonwealth to a hive and even to a centipede.
This vision of a centralized government, more appropriate to the memory of the Roman Empire than to a medieval monarchy, is a landmark of the 12th-century revival of speculative thought. It is a far cry from this practical 12th-century treatise by a man of affairs to the elaborate justification of Christian kingship and natural law created by St.
Thomas Aquinas in the 13th century, during the climax of medieval Western civilization. His political philosophy is only part of a metaphysical construction of Aristotelian range—for Aristotle had now been assimilated from Arabic sources and given a new Christian content, with the added universality of the Stoic and Augustinian world outlook.
Aquinas’s Summa theologiae (1265/66–1273) purports to answer all the major questions of existence, including those of political philosophy. Like Aristotle, Aquinas thinks in terms of an ethical purpose.
Natural law is discussed in the first part of the second book as part of the discussion of original sin and what would now be termed psychology, while war comes under the second part of the second book as an aspect of virtue and vice. Law is defined as “that which is regulation and measure.
” It is designed to promote the “felicity and beatitude” that are the ends of human life. Aquinas agrees with Aristotle that “the city is the perfection of community” and that the purpose of public power should be to promote the common good.
The only legitimate power is from the community, which is the sole medium of man’s well being. In his De regimine principum (1266; On the Government of Princes), he compares society to a ship in need of a helmsman and repeats Aristotle’s definition of man as a social and political animal.
Again following Aristotle, he considers oligarchy unjust and democracy evil. Rulers should aim to make the “life of the multitude good in accordance with the purpose of life which is heavenly happiness.
” They should also create peace, conserve life, and preserve the state—a threefold responsibility. Here is a complete program for a hierarchical society within a cosmic order.
It combines the Hellenic sense of purpose with Christian aims and asserts that, under God, power resides in the community, embodied in the ruler but only for so long as he does right. Thomas Aquinas was the first Whig”—a pioneer of the theory of constitutional government. The society he envisages, however, is medieval, static, hierarchical, conservative, and based on limited agriculture and even more limited technology. Nonetheless, Thomism remains the most complete and lasting political doctrine of Roman Catholicism, since modified and adapted but not in principle superseded.
By the early 14th century the great European institutions, empire and papacy, were breaking down through mutual conflict and the emergence of national realms Case Study 1.1 An unpromising site for text-based Philosophy teaching? unsurprisingly have difficulty studying high level content in a second language. and activities can best support different students, by combining the insights of .
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1313), still in principle highly relevant, Dante insists that only through universal peace can human faculties come to their full compass.
But only “temporal monarchy” can achieve this: “a unique princedom extending over all persons in time. ” The aim of civilization is to actualize human potentialities and to achieve that “fullness of life which comes from the fulfillment of our being.
”Monarchy, Dante argues, is necessary as a means to this end. The imperial authority of the Holy Roman emperor, moreover, comes directly from God and not through the pope.
The empire is the direct heir of the Roman Empire, a legitimate authority, or Christ would not have chosen to be born under it. In subjecting the world to itself, the Roman Empire had contemplated the public good.
This high-flown argument, part of the political warfare between the partisans of the emperor and pope that was then affecting Italy, drives to essentials: that world peace can be secure only under a world authority. That Dante’s argument was impractical did not concern this medieval genius, who was writing more the epitaph than the prospectus of the Holy Roman Empire; he was concerned, like Aquinas, to create a political philosophy with a clear-cut aim and a universal view.
Out of the grand but impractical visions of the High Middle Ages in the 13th-century climax of Christian civilization, there emerged by early-modern times the idea of a well-governed realm, its authority derived from the community itself, with a program designed to ensure the solvency and administrative efficiency of a secular state. In spite of the decline of the civilization of antiquity in the West, the Greco-Roman sense of purpose, of the rule of law, and of the responsibility of power survived in Christian form.
The 16th to the 18th centuryIn the thought of the Italian political philosopher Niccol Machiavelli may be seen a complete secularization of political philosophy. Machiavelli was an experienced diplomat and administrator, and, since he stated flatly how the power struggle was conducted in Renaissance Italy, he won a shocking reputation.
He was not, however, without idealism about the old Roman republic, and he admired the independent spirit of the German and Swiss cities. This idealism made him all the more disgusted with Italian politics, of which he makes a disillusioned and objective analysis.
Writing in retirement after political disgrace, Machiavelli states firmly that,Machiavelli, Niccol Niccol Machiavelli, oil painting by Santi di Tito; in the Palazzo Vecchio, Florence. Mondadori Portfolio/age fotostocksince this is to be asserted in general of men, that they are ungrateful, fickle, false, cowards, covetous, and as long as you succeed they are yours entirely: they will offer you their blood, property, life, and children…when the need is far distant; but when it approaches they turn against you.
And again,since the desires of men are insatiable, nature prompting them to desire all things and fortune permitting them to enjoy but few, there results a constant discontent in their minds, and a loathing of what they possess. This view of human nature, already expressed by Plato and St.
Augustine, is here unredeemed by Plato’s doctrine of Forms or by St. Machiavelli accepts the facts and advises the ruler to act accordingly. The prince, he states, must combine the strength of the lion with the cunning of the fox: he must always be vigilant, ruthless, and prompt, striking down or neutralizing his adversaries without warning.
For “men ought to be either well treated or crushed, because they can avenge themselves of lighter injuries, of more serious ones they cannot.
” Moreover, “irresolute princes who follow a neutral path are generally ruined. ” He advises that it is best to come down at the right moment on the winning side and that conquered cities ought to be either governed directly by the tyrant himself residing there or destroyed.
Furthermore, princes, unlike private men, need not keep faith: since politics reflects the law of the jungle, the state is a law unto itself, and normal moral rules do not apply to it. Machiavelli had stated with unblinking realism how, in fact, tyrants behave, and, far from criticizing their conduct or distinguishing between the just prince who rules by law and the tyrant whose laws are in his own breast, he considers that the successful ruler has to be beyond morality, since the safety and expansion of the state are the supreme objective.
In this myopic view, the cosmic visions of Aquinas and Dante are disregarded, and politics becomes a fight for survival. Within his terms of reference, Machiavelli made a convincing case, although as an experienced diplomat he might have realized that dependability in fact pays and that systematic deceit, treachery, and violence usually bring about their own nemesis.
The 17th-century English philosopher Thomas Hobbes, who spent his life as a tutor and companion to great noblemen, was a writer of genius with a greater power of phrase than any other English political philosopher. He was not, as he is sometimes misrepresented, a prophet of “bourgeois” individualism, advocating free competition in a capitalistfree market. On the contrary, he was writing in a preindustrial, if increasingly commercial, society and did not much admire wealth as such but rather “honours.
” He was socially conservative and eager to give a new philosophical sanction to a hierarchical, if businesslike, commonwealth in which family authority was most important.
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He therefore based his conclusions on the rudimentary mathematical physics and psychology of his day and aimed at practical objectives—order and stability.
He believed that the fundamental physical law of life was motion and that the predominant human impulses were fear and, among those above the poverty level, pride and vanity Baylis, Smith & Owens: The Globalization of World Politics 6e or issue and relates it to the IR theories you have studied in Part 2 of the book. quotations from key thinkers, and by using the annotated web links for further research, you will .
Men, Hobbes argued, are strictly conditioned and limited by these laws, and he tried to create a science of politics that would reflect them. “The skill of making, and maintaining Common-wealths,” therefore,consisteth in certain Rules, as doth Arithmetique and Geometry; not (as Tennis play) on Practise onely: which Rules, neither poor men have the leisure, nor men that have had the leisure, have hitherto had the curiosity, or the method to find out.
Hobbes ignores the Classical and Thomist concepts of a transcendent law of nature, itself reflecting divine law, and of a “Great Chain of Being” whereby the universe is held harmoniously together. Following the practical method of investigation advocated by the French philosopher Ren Descartes, Hobbes states plainly that power creates law, not law power.
For law is law only if it can be enforced, and the price of security is one supreme sovereign public power. For, without it, such is the competitive nature of humanity, that once more than subsistence has been achieved, people are actuated by vanity and ambition, and there is a war of all against all.
The true law of nature is self-preservation, he argues, which can be achieved only if the citizens make a compact among themselves to transfer their individual power to the “leviathan” (ruler), who alone can preserve them in security. Such a commonwealth has no intrinsic supernatural or moral sanction: it derives its original authority from the people and can command loyalty only so long as it succeeds in keeping the peace.
He thus uses both the old concepts of natural law and contract, often invoked to justify resistance to authority, as a sanction for it. Hobbes, like Machiavelli, starts from an assumption of basic human folly, competitiveness, and depravity and contradicts Aristotle’s assumption that man is by nature a “political animal.
” On the contrary, he is naturally antisocial, and, even when men meet for business and profit, only “a certain market-fellowship” is engendered. All society is only for gain or glory, and the only true equality between men is their power to kill each other.
Indeed, he specifically discouraged “men of low degree from a saucy behaviour towards their betters.
”The Leviathan (1651) horrified most of his contemporaries; Hobbes was accused of atheism and of “maligning the Human Nature. ” But, if his remedies were tactically impractical, in political philosophy he had gone very deep by providing the sovereign nation-state with a pragmatic justification and directing it to utilitarian ends.
The 17th-century Dutch Jewish philosopher Benedict de Spinoza also tried to make a scientific political theory, but it was more humane and more modern. Hobbes assumes a preindustrial and economically conservative society, but Spinoza assumes a more urban setting.
Like Hobbes, he is Cartesian, aiming at a scientific basis for political philosophy, but, whereas Hobbes was dogmatic and authoritarian, Spinoza desired toleration and intellectual liberty, by which alone human life achieves its highest quality. Spinoza, reacting against the ideological wars of religion and skeptical of both metaphysics and religious dogma, was a scientific humanist who justified political power solely by its usefulness.
If state power breaks down and can no longer protect him or if it turns against him, frustrates, or ruins his life, then any individual is justified in resisting it, since it no longer fulfills its purpose. It has no intrinsic divine or metaphysical authority.
Spinoza, Benedict deBenedict de Spinoza, painting by an anonymous artist; in the Herzogliche Bibliothek, Wolfenb ttel, Germany. Imagno/Austrian Archives/Hulton Archive/Getty ImagesIn the Tractatus Theologico-Politicus (1670) and the Tractatus Politicus (published posthumously in 1677), Spinoza develops this theme.
He intends, he writes, “not to laugh at men or weep over them or hate them, but to understand them. Augustine, he glorifies life and holds that governments should not try to “change men from rational beings into beasts or puppets, but enable them to develop their minds and bodies in security and to employ their reason unshackled. ” The more life is enjoyed, he declares, the more the individual participates in the divine nature.
God is immanent in the entire process of nature, in which all creatures follow the laws of their own being to the limit of their powers. All are bound by their own consciousness, and man creates his own values.
It seems that Spinoza thought good government approximated to that of the free burgesses of Amsterdam, a city in which religious toleration and relative political liberty had been realized. He is thus a pioneer of a scientific humanist view of government and of the neutrality of the state in matters of belief. Out of the breakup of the medieval social order, there emerged the humanist but sceptical outlook of Machiavelli and then the scientific humanist principles of Descartes, Hobbes, and Spinoza, from which the utilitarian and pragmatic outlook of modern times derives.
Another influential and politically important strain of political philosophy emerged from the Reformation and Counter-Reformation of the 16th and 17th centuries.
During this period Protestant and Catholic dogmatists denounced each other and even attacked the authority of princes who, from interest or conviction, supported one side or the other BA Philosophy and Politics - UG Philosophy and Politics Degree at We are Top 10 in the UK for student satisfaction - our students love studying with us. Our open-minded and enthusiastic philosophy staff have an exceptionally broad range of We study the concept and practice of social entrepreneurship, using case .
Political assassination became endemic, for both Protestant and Catholic divines declared that it was legitimate to kill a heretical ruler. Appeal was made to rival religious authority as well as to conscience.
In the resulting welter Hobbes and Spinoza advocated a sovereign state as the remedy. But other political philosophers salvaged the old Thomist concept of a divine cosmic order and of natural and human laws sanctioning the state.
They also put forth the Classical and medieval idea of the derivation of public power from the commonwealth as a whole and the responsibility of princes to the law. When Hobbes wrote that might makes right, he outraged such critics, who continued to assert that public power was responsible to God and the laws and that it was right to resist a tyrant who declared that the laws were in his own breast.
This political theory was most influentially developed in England, where it inspired the constitutionalism that would also predominate in the United States. Richard Hooker, an Anglican divine who wrote Of the Lawes of Ecclesiasticall Politie (1593–97), reconciled Thomist doctrines of transcendent and natural law, binding on all human beings, with the authority of the Elizabethan Church of England, which he defended against the Puritan appeal to conscience.
Society, he argued, is itself the fulfillment of natural law, of which human and positive law are reflections, adapted to society. Public power is not something personal, for it derives from the community under law.
Thus,the lawful power of making laws to command whole politic societies of men belongeth so properly unto the same entire societies, that for any prince…to exercise the same of himself…is no better than mere tyranny. Such power can derive either directly from God or else from the people.
The prince is responsible to God and the community; he is not, like Hobbes’s ruler, a law unto himself. Hooker, indeed, insisted that “the prince has a delegated power, from the Parliament of England, together with the convocation (of clergy) annexed thereto…whereupon the very essence of all government doth depend. ” This is the power of the crown in parliament in a balanced constitution, hence an idea of harmonious government by consent.
The Thomist medieval universal harmony had been adapted to the nation-state. Consid rations sur le gouvernement de Pologne (1782; Considerations on the Government of Poland) contains desultory but often valuable reflections on specific problems.
Rousseau, Jean-JacquesJean-Jacques Rousseau, drawing in pastels by Maurice-Quentin de La Tour, 1753; in the Mus e d'Art et d'Histoire, Geneva. Courtesy of the Mus e d'Art et d'Histoire, Geneva; photograph, Jean ArlaudThere had been radical political slogans coined in medieval peasant revolts and in the 17th century, as in the debates following the revolt of radical officers in the Cromwellian army (1647), but the inspiration of these movements had been religion.
Now Rousseau proclaimed a secular egalitarianism and a romantic cult of the common man. His famous declaration “Man is born free, and everywhere he is in chains” called into question the traditional social hierarchy: hitherto, political philosophers had thought in terms of elites, but now the mass of the people had found a champion and were becoming politically conscious.
Rousseau was a romantic, given to weeping under the willows on Lake Geneva, and his political works are hypnotically readable, flaming protests by one who found the hard rationality of the 18th century too exacting. Man is born into society, which imposes restraints on him. Casting about to reconcile his artificial antithesis between man’s purported natural state of freedom and his condition in society, Rousseau utilizes the old theories of contract and transforms them into the concept of the “general will.
” This general will, a moral will that aims at the common good and in which all participate directly, reconciles the individual and the community by representing the will of the community as deriving from the will of moral individuals, so to obey the laws of such a community is in a sense to follow one’s own will, assuming that one is a moral individual. Ideas similar to that of the general will became accepted as a basis for both the social-democraticwelfare state and totalitarian dictatorships.
And, since the idea was misapplied from small village or civic communities to great sovereign nation-states, Rousseau was also the prophet of a nationalism that he never advocated. He never wrote the proposed sequel to the The Social Contract, in which he meant to deal with international politics, but he declared that existing governments lived in a state of nature, that their obsession with conquest was imbecilic, and that “if we could realize a European republic for one day, it would be enough to make it last for ever. ” But, with a flash of realism, he thinks the project impracticable, because of human folly.
That the concept of general will was vague only increased its adaptability and prestige: it would both make constitutionalism more liberal and dynamic and give demagogues and dictators the excuse for “forcing people to be free” (that is, forcing people to follow the general will, as interpreted by the ruling forces). Rousseau could inspire liberals, such as the 19th-century English philosopher T. Green, to a creative view of a state helping people to make the best of their potential through a variety of free institutions.
Philosophical perspectives on politics and the - universiteit leiden
The 19th centuryA major force in the political and social thought of the 19th century was utilitarianism, the doctrine that the actions of governments should be judged simply by the extent to which they promoted the “greatest happiness of the greatest number. ” The founder of the utilitarian school was Jeremy Bentham, an eccentric Englishman trained in the law.
Bentham judged all laws and institutions by their utility thus defined. “The Fabric of Felicity,” he wrote, “must be reared by the hands of reason and Law.
”Bentham’s Fragment, on Government (1776) and Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation (1789) elaborated a utilitarian political philosophy. Bentham was an atheist and an exponent of the new laissez-faireeconomics of Adam Smith and David Ricardo, but he inspired the spate of legislation that, after the Reform Bill of 1832, had tackled the worst consequences of 18th-century inefficiency and of the Industrial Revolution.
At first a simple reformer of law, Bentham attacked notions of contract and natural law as superfluous.
“The indestructible prerogatives of mankind,” he wrote, “have no need to be supported upon the sandy foundation of a fiction. ” The justification of government is pragmatic, its aim improvement and the release of the free choice of individuals and the play of market forces that will create prosperity.
Bentham thought men far more reasonable and calculating than they are and brushed aside all the Christian and humanist ideas rationalizing instinctive loyalty and awe. He thought society could advance by calculation of pleasure and pain, and his Introduction even tries to work out “the value of a lot of pleasure and pain, how now to be measured.
” He compared the relative gratifications of health, wealth, power, friendship, and benevolence, as well as those of “irascible appetite” and “antipathy. ” He also thought of punishment purely as a deterrent, not as retribution, and graded offenses on the harm they did to happiness, not on how much they offended God or tradition.
If Bentham’s psychology was na ve, that of his discipleJames Mill was philistine. Mill postulated an economic individual whose decisions, if freely taken, would always be in his own interest, and he believed that universal suffrage, along with utilitarian legislation by a sovereign parliament, would produce the kind of happiness and well-being that Bentham desired.
In his Essay on Government (1828) Mill thus shows a doctrinaire faith in a literate electorate as the means to good government and in laissez-faire economics as a means to social harmony. This utilitarian tradition was humanized by James Mill’s son, John Stuart Mill, one of the most influential of mid-Victorian liberals.
Whereas James Mill had been entirely pragmatic, his son tried to enhance more sophisticated values. He thought that civilization depended on a tiny minority of creative minds and on the free play of speculative intelligence.
He detested conventional public opinion and feared that complete democracy, far from emancipating opinion, would make it more restrictive. Amid the dogmatic and strident voices of mid-19th-century nationalists, utopians, and revolutionaries, the quiet, if sometimes priggish, voice of mid-Victorian liberalism proved extremely influential in the ruling circles of Victorian England.
Accepting democracy as inevitable, John Stuart Mill expressed the still optimistic and progressive views of an intellectual elite. Without complete liberty of opinion, he insisted, civilizations ossify.
The quality of progress results not merely from the blind forces of economic competition but from the free play of mind. The worth of the state in the long run is only the worth of the individuals composing it, and without people of genius society would become a “stagnant pool.
” This militant humanist, unlike his father, was aware of the dangers of even benevolentbureaucratic power and declared that a state that “dwarfs its men” is culturally insignificant. Mill also advocated the legal and social emancipation of women, holding that ability was wasted by mid-Victorian conventions.
He believed that the masses could be educated into accepting the values of liberal civilization, but he defended private property and was as wary of rapid extensions of the franchise as of bureaucratic power.